Now that Mitt
Romney has selected Paul Ryan as his running mate, it behooves bloviators with
some philosophical training, among whom I count myself, to take a closer look
at the thinker who is, by his own testimony, Ryan's inspiration. I refer, of course, to Ayn Rand, the
twentieth century Russian-American novelist and essayist whose fervent embrace
of laisser-faire capitalism, given
fictional voice in Atlas Shrugged and
The Fountainhead, has inspired the
political passions and wet dreams of several generations of American
right-wingers. Rand is, in some ways, an
odd figure to be venerated by contemporary conservatives, inasmuch as she was a
convinced atheist who rejected the use of force, but her detestation of
anything having a whiff of "collectivism" about it sweeps away any
doubts that a thoughtful reactionary might harbor.
My own
engagement with Rand's writings has been rather episodic. It began in the Fall of 1953, when, as a
nineteen year old graduate student cramming for General Exams [called
"Prelims" in the Harvard Philosophy Department], I began to have
doubts about the career on which I was embarking. Sitting alone in my basement room in William
James Hall, I turned to large works of heroic fiction as a source of
guidance. After plowing through Moby Dick ["It's about this
whale," to quote a famous movie line], I found my way to The Fountainhead. I am afraid I came to Rand too late to be inspired, or even intrigued. Having already read deeply in the works of Plato, Aristotle, Aquinas, Descartes, Leibniz, Locke, Hume, and Kant, I found Rand pretty thin stuff. So I pulled myself together, passed my exams, and did not look back.
That was pretty much it for me and Rand until 1968. By then I was at Columbia, but that year I was visiting at Rutgers, in nearby New Brunswick. After class one day in an undergraduate course on Ethics, a young, thin, rather timid student approached my desk and with an apologetic air, offered me a worn, obviously much read paperback. "I will give this to you," he said hesitantly, "if you promise to read it." There was obviously nothing to do but thank him profusely and promise to get right to it. The book was The Virtue of Selfishness, a collection of essays by Rand and her epigone, Nathaniel Brandon.
Four years later
I was at the University of Massachusetts, charged with teaching an Introduction
to Philosophy for a hundred students. I
assigned Gabriel Kolko's Wealth and Power
in America, some readings by Marx, Betty and Theodore Roszak's Masculine/Feminine, and Robin Morgan's Sisterhood is Powerful. In an effort to maintain some semblance of objectivity
[so to speak], I also assigned The Virtue
of Selfishness. This was the Sixties
[everything came a little late to the Pioneer Valley], and I assumed that the
students would all groove on the Marx, so I really busted my butt giving the
most forceful, interesting, positive lectures on Rand I could manage. Imagine my chagrin when the hour exams came
in and I discovered that I was talking not to a horde of budding Marxian collectivists
but to a raging mob of Objectivists! I
try to assure myself that my lectures were quite ineffectual and that the
students had all come to UMass already enrolled in the Right Wing, but the
small voice of conscience suggests that I may actually have had a hand in
fostering what eventually became The Tea Party.
Oh well.
A few quotes
from the lead essay of The Virtue of
Selfishness, "The Objectivist Ethics," will convey accurately
enough the line Rand is pushing.
"The Objectivist ethics," she writes, "proudly advocates
and upholds rational selfishness
[italics in the original]. ... The Objectivist ethics holds that human good does not require human
sacrifices and cannot be achieved by the sacrifice of anyone to anyone. ... The
principle of trade is the only
rational ethical principle for all human relationships, personal and social,
private and public, spiritual and material.
It is the principle of justice." [all italics in the original. She rather liked italics.] All of this, Rand claims, quoting from a
speech by the protagonist in her novel, Atlas
Shrugged, derives from "the principle of identity -- A is A." Kant would have been interested to learn that
the fundamental principles of ethics are analytic!
I want to spend
most of my energies in this post discussing the political significance of
Rand's theories, but since she herself treated her novels as occasions for
immensely long declamatory speeches barely masquerading as plot elements, it might
be appropriate to say just a word or two of a literary critical nature about
her writings. Atlas Shrugged and The Fountainhead are both vast, gassy,
romantic works perfectly designed to captivate an adolescent audience. They might be described as what would have resulted
if Jacqueline Susann had been bowled over by Nietzsche rather than Lady Chatterley's Lover.
Rather oddly,
when I think of Rand my mind turns to The
Brothers Karamazov. You will recall that Ivan, under the baleful
influence of nineteenth century Western liberal thought, is given to saying
that "all things are permitted."
Now Ivan has a good Russian soul, and does not, in his heart of hearts,
believe that, but his bastard half brother Smerdyakov hears Ivan saying these
things and takes them to heart, eventually [spoiler alert] killing their
father, old man Karamazov. Rand read
some Hayek and, like Smerdyakov, took it to heart, with what turned out to be
equally unfortunate results.
Rand's elevation
of market exchange to the highest level of moral excellence is more or less
what you could imagine an impressionable Russian emigrée would take away from a glancing acquaintance with Léon Walras' theory of tâtonnement. In light of her Nietzschean novelistic
celebration of the lonely creative genius [an architect, for example], her
identification of the trader as the quintessential moral man [they are always
men in Rand's writings] is rather odd, for the trader, qua trader, makes nothing.
He or she simply swaps something for something that someone else is offering
in the marketplace.
But what is truly odd, and in
fact deeply self-contradictory, is the embrace of Rand by such American right-wingers
as Paul Ryan. The moral, economic, and
political doctrine that Rand is unconsciously parodying is echt nineteenth century laisser-faire
liberalism. [For a truly brilliant,
totally self-aware send-up of this philosophy from the left, see Paul Goodman's
riotously funny novel, Empire City.] The true laisser-faire
liberal has no religion, no politics, no traditions, no sense at all of the
situatedness of human existence. To
quote more or less Michael Oakeshott's great line, he strives to live each day
as though it were his first, and thinks that to form a habit is to fail. It would never cross the mind of a true laisser-faire liberal so much as to have
an opinion about abortion, same-sex marriage, contraception, or prayer in
schools, and he certainly would not undertake to legislate about such matters,
for whatever position he took might cost him business. Indeed, ostensibly serious libertarian
economists with no grasp of historical fact have actually argued seriously that
racial discrimination is impossible in a true free market, inasmuch as
discrimination might drive up wages by limiting the pool of available
workers. [The truth, as anyone familiar
with post Civil-War history knows, is that White workers struck devil's
bargains with employers, accepting lower wages in exchange for the exclusion of
the former slaves from the labor market.]
Paul Ryan is a Roman Catholic
whose family made a good deal of money over half a century off of government
contracts for building the interstate highway system. To this day it feeds at the federal trough,
getting defense-related dollars. In
every way conceivable, Ryan the man is totally in violation of the Objectivist
ethical theories pushed by Rand. It has
become a central tenet of the consensus
gentium in recent decades that American conservatives are deep thinkers
who, in their think tanks, come up with new ideas to replace the tired habits
of liberal pols. Paul Ryan, we are told,
is the intellectual leader of the Republican Party. I think we should pause just a bit before
embracing our very own Smerdyakov.