Some time in the late ‘60s, I gave a talk on Mill at a
Columbia faculty seminar to which other scholars in the New York area were
regularly invited. After the talk,
Hannah Arendt came up to say hello. It
was obvious that she had not been thrilled with the talk, but she was
polite. She asked me what I was working
on at the moment and I replied that I was writing a book on Kant’s ethics
[which was eventually published as The
Autonomy of Reason.] Her face lit
up, and with a broad smile she said, “Ah.
It is always so much more pleasant to spend time with Kant.”
Recently, I have been worrying endlessly about the outcome
of senatorial races in which neither of the candidates is anyone I would want
to spend time with. This morning, as we
were watching the children with their rented sailboats at the lake in the
center of the Jardin de Luxembourg,
it occurred to me that it would really be much more pleasant to spend time with
Kant. So I decided to write a brief post
summarizing the central thesis of my old paper, “The Completion of Kant’s Ethical
Theory in the Tenets of the Rechtslehre.” Kant’s argument, precisely where it fails,
illuminates a number of things, among which are the limitations of social
contract theory, the priority of political philosophy over ethical theory, the
inescapability of the truth of philosophical anarchism, and the inadequacy of
the central argument in John Rawls’ A
Theory of Justice. I have written
about these subjects before in various places, but I suspect very few people
interested in them have read what I have written, so this is an easy way for
someone to get the gist of my writings on the subject without plowing through several
of my books and articles. At the very
least, it will be more pleasant for me to spend some more time with Kant.
Kant undertakes in the Groundwork
of the Metaphysics of Morals to demonstrate the absolutely unconditional
universal validity of the fundamental moral law, a law that we mortals
experience as an imperative, what Kant calls The Categorical Imperative. Kant
actually tries to establish this claim three times in the Groundwork. His first try is
the argument that the purely formal conditions of consistent willing,
conditions laid down by Reason, suffice to demonstrate the validity of several
substantive moral laws, the famous four examples of the Categorical
Imperative. The attempt is a pretty
miserable failure, a fact recognized ever since by alert readers.
His second try is to argue that there are unconditioned
ends, ends that any rational agent as such must necessarily aim at, most
notably humanity, which Kant describes as an end-in-itself. If there are in fact ends in themselves then
the imperative to pursue such ends must be binding on all rational agents as
such. Now there is no doubt that the
assertion “Humanity is an end in itself” is one of the noblest sentences ever
penned. It has only one tiny flaw. It is, as it stands, meaningless.
Which leaves Kant with his third try at establishing the
universal validity of the Moral Law a
priori, namely the argument that in what he calls a Kingdom of Ends, which
is to say a political community of rational agents, the laws that such a
community would enact are the embodiment or instantiations of the Categorical
Imperative. There is no doubt in my mind
that this is the most interesting and promising of Kant’s three attempts to
establish the universal validity of the Moral Law.
Notice one of the implications of this move by Kant. Generally speaking, Kant is thought of as one
of those ethical theorists, like John Locke, who claims that moral obligation is
logically prior to the social contract, as opposed to theorists like
Jean-Jacques Rousseau who seems to claim that prior to the establishing of the
social contract individuals are bound by self-interest, substituting the goal
of the general good for the pursuit of private interest only as a result of the contract. But in fact it turns out that Kant is with
Rousseau on this crucial question, which should perhaps not surprise us when we
recall how deeply influenced by Rousseau Kant was.
Obviously, Kant must successfully demonstrate that the
members of the Kingdom of Ends will, in their legislation, necessarily
legislate the Moral Law as the fundamental rule binding them all as members of
the community. However, if he is to show
that this law is conditional, not hypothetical, in form, he must first prove
that all human beings will be under a rational command to enter into a Kingdom
of Ends. Otherwise, even the Moral Law
will have the hypothetical form, “If
you choose to become a member of a Kingdom of Ends [i.e., If you choose to sign
the Social Contract] then as a
member of the kingdom of ends you must, as a rational agent, will collectively
with your fellow members the Moral Law.”
This leaves it open to the self-interested amoralist simply to decline to
sign the Contract, and so not be bound by the Moral Law which from Kant’s point
of view would not do at all.
An argument demonstrating that human rational agents as such
stand under a command of reason to join a Kingdom of Ends is to be found nowhere
in the Grundlegung, but quite to my
surprise, I found such an argument in Part One of Kant’s later work, The Metaphysics of Morals, the part
devoted to the theory of justice [or law].
As you might expect, even in its simplest form the argument is quite
complex. I am going to summarize it in a
few sentences. Anyone really interested
in the full argument is urged to consult my essay [and of course Kant’s text
itself.]
Human agency manifest itself in the realm of appearances,
hence in a material world governed by cause and effect. In pursuit of my ends, whatever they may be, I
may find it necessary to appropriate some portion of the material world, which
is to say I may find it necessary to take de
jure possession of it and to exclude others from its use. There is no part of the material world that
is in principle unownable [Kant’s ethical theory thus rules out all forms of
ecological ethics.] Regardless of my
ends and purposes, I cannot know a priori
that I will not need to take ownership of something or other. Hence I can know a priori that property must be possible. But a system of property that allows each
person under appropriate circumstances to exclude others from a portion of the
material world can come into existence only through a social contract that
establishes the possibility of de jure
possession. Thus, from the mere fact
that I as a phenomenal creature have ends, and hence stand under hypothetical
imperatives, it follows necessarily that I am obliged to enter into rational
community with others and collectively with them enact morally binding laws.
This still leaves open the question whether there is some
specific system of fundamental laws that all rational communities as such will
enact. Rawls tries to prove that there
is, and fails, as I demonstrate at length in my book Understanding Rawls. But
once Rawls has revised his theory to incorporate the device of the Veil of
Ignorance, it is clear that he has failed as well to demonstrate the necessity
of engaging in the Rational Choice exercise supposedly to take place under that
Veil.
Well, it was good for a bit to stop thinking about the
election next Tuesday. Hannah Arendt
seems to have been right.
Thanks for this, Prof. Wolff.
ReplyDeleteI have a couple of questions about the argument concerning agency and property.
1) why does human agency entail that I must take de jure possession of some portion of the external world, rather than de facto possession of it?
2) What does this kind of argument establish about the character of the property arrangements supposedly necessitated by the conditions of rational agency? Presumably, Kant is right that rational agency necessarily involves the private consumption/use of some portion of the external world. But isn't that different from it entailing that I should thereby acquire a private property right in the thing - which involves my right to dispose over and exchange the thing as I see fit?
Thanks,
Tim