The central mystification of capitalism, Marx argued, is the representation of propertyless workers as legally free commodity producers exchanging their “product,” their labor, with the producers of corn and iron and wheat and cloth in a market free of all traditional constraints, both legal and customary. In order to capture this mystification formally in the equations representing a capitalist system, I had to find a way to treat labor both as a commodity like any other and also as not really a commodity at all, and I had to do this in such a way as to explain quantitatively as well as qualitatively the origin of the profit gained by the capitalists.
Let us recall the assumptions underlying the systems of
equations by means of which the modern mathematical economists formalized the
arguments of the classical political economists. They made a series of behavioral and
knowledge assumptions about the capitalists that allowed them to posit the
existence of a single profit rate throughout the economy. Capitalists sought a
maximum return on their invested capital, and they knew what rate was being gained by capitalists in all sectors of
the economy, they were unconstrained by law, by tradition, or by sentiment as
they moved their capital from sector to sector, seeking the greatest possible
return.
A woolen cloth producer gaining 4% on his invested capital
who saw that the producers of carriage wheels were making 7% would shift his
capital from woolen cloth to carriage wheels.
This took some time, of course, because some of his capital was frozen
in looms and spinning jennys which were no use in making carriage wheels. But in time he would make the shift. This
would reduce the quantity of woolen cloth being brought to market, and drive up
the price. The carriage wheels he started to make would be added to those
already in the market and drive down their price. By the “higgling and jiggling
of the marketplace,” in Adam Smith’s felicitous phrase, a single economy wide
profit rate would emerge.
But the workers were unable to respond in this way to market
signals. By a metaphysical misfortune, which could of course in no way be
blamed on capitalism, their fixed capital was their bodies. In order to cash in
their fixed capital and switch it to a more profitable line of production, they
would have to – cash it in, which is to say, die.
To capture this situation in the equations in such a way as
to represent both the reality and the illusion of capitalism, I decided to
introduce a new variable, standing for the rate of return in the labor sector.
The Greek letter π was already being used for the profit rate gained by the
capitalists, so I chose the Greek letter ρ to represent the profit earned, if
there was any, in the labor industry.
Marx, observing the situation in mid-19th century
England, saw that there were a large number of displaced peasants who had
streamed into the big cities looking for work. He described them in a famous
phrase as “the reserve army of the unemployed.” Their desperation kept ρ at
zero – which is to say, the workers were barely making enough to stay alive.
From an analytical point of view, it was now easy to see
that the workers were compelled to buy their food, clothing, and shelter at
inflated prices. I was able to demonstrate mathematically that the sum total of
these inflated portion of those prices was exactly equal to the total profit gained in the other
sectors of the economy. Since the workers were the great mass of the
population, and since capitalists were driven endlessly to increase their
profits – “accumulate, accumulate, that is Moses and the prophets to the
capitalists” as Marx put it – the workers were the final consumers of most of
the output of the system.
Thus, without introducing the faulty distinction between
labor-power and labor, I could answer the question that Marx had posed to the
classical political economists – whence profit? – In such a way as both to give
a correct mathematically precise answer and also to capture the mystification
that underlies all capitalist systems.
I wrote this all up complete with the mathematical
demonstrations and in 1981 published it in
Philosophy and Public Affairs. I was, as you can imagine, rather pleased
with myself. I had identified for the very first time a fundamental problem in
Marx’s account of capitalism – the fact that all of the propositions he
asserted about labor value could be demonstrated for corn value, iron value, or
wool value.
AND THEN DISASTER
STRUCK.
John Roemer, the most mathematically sophisticated Marxist
in America, pointed out in a comment to the Journal that Josep Vegara, a
Professor of Economics at Barcelona, had published essentially the same theorem
in 1979 in a book entitled economía política
y modelos multisectoriales. I was
heartbroken. Such things do not happen
in Philosophy [because we so rarely prove anything]. Still and all, the theoretical elaboration
that followed the statement and proof of the theorem is quite original, but I
doubt that anyone has ever taken note of it.
A word of advice to my readers;
If you prove an exciting theorem in theoretical economics, do not
publish it in a Philosophy journal.
8 comments:
I have a question about the fourth paragraph in particular but it's also broader.
At least some workers can respond to market signals by switching their "human capital," i.e. in this context their labor, to where it's more rewarded. Thus a software engineer, for example, leaves his job with company x because company Y offers to pay him more. There is a class of sought-after workers -- incl. "star" professors, or certain executives, or certain lawyers etc. etc.-- who are able to switch their labor to where they will be paid more for it. They're not responding to market signals in just the same way as the capitalists who switch investment from cloth to carriage wheels, but they are moving around.
What are the implications of this, if any, for the system of equations and the theorem? And also for your definition of exploitation? (There are one or two other things that puzzle me in the OP but I'll leave it at that for now.)
P.s. I shd probably just print out the article and read it carefully (even though I don't know linear algebra). Ordinary school algebra that everyone had to take, yes, but linear algebra no.
LFC, linear algebra can be more or less advanced. The operations used in the paper by RPW are not difficult; it is not advanced mathematics. If you poke around the Khan Academy or look at an intro text on the topic, you'll be able to follow the paper just fine.
Ok thanks. RPW"s efforts to convey the substance of the paper in blog posts have not been altogether successful, istm, in conveying how his definition of exploitation (which differs from Marx's) applies to contemporary capitalism. That's what I'm specifically interested in -- not the point about iron values and corn values, which I think I understand at a conceptual level at any rate.
A more emotional account here:
https://robertpaulwolff.blogspot.com/2011/02/thought-of-karl-marx-part-seventeen.html
What a blow it must have been, Professor!
Einstein is said to have said, "Everything should be as simple as possible, but no simpler." There's a modestly famous physics joke: "Consider a spherical cow."
I was struck, and not in a good way, by this in your post:
"But the workers were unable to respond in this way to market signals. By a metaphysical misfortune, which could of course in no way be blamed on capitalism, their fixed capital was their bodies. In order to cash in their fixed capital and switch it to a more profitable line of production, they would have to – cash it in, which is to say, die."
But this assumes without proof, in the words "which is to say, die" that nobody, or at least no significant fraction of workers, can change jobs or change careers. That is at variance with reality. In the real world there is considerable churn in employment, at several times the official unemployment rate, with people indeed changing employers or even careers, without fatal consequence.
I confess to not understanding the relationship of the world described by Marx to the real modern world, at least as we experience it today.
I confess that I at least have doubts about the relationship between the mathematical models of economists and reality. Some of them act as if they were physicists. But the most fascinating thing about physics is its prognostic capacity.
About two months ago, I took the trouble to check the forecasts of four of the major economic institutes here in Germany regarding the unemployment rate, the GDP and the value of exported goods. Kindly, these institutes publish these figures here every autumn and spring and you can easily find the history on the Internet. So I have recorded 10 years in a simple Excel table and compared the deviations between forecasts and the real values.
For the normal newspaper reader the deviation of a value from 0.8% to 1.2% seems like a small inaccuracy. In the reality of an airplane pilot who wants to cross the Atlantic and miscalculates this deviation when filling his tank, this is a life-threatening miscalculation. With the deviation described above, he is missing a third of his tank filling and if he is lucky he can make an emergency landing over Iceland.
Barney,
I think you've misunderstood.
Of course workers can stop selling their labor to one employer and start selling it to another. The point is that workers can't stop selling their labor and start selling something else.
This is very different than the position of capitalists. Capitalists can sell their stake in one industry and buy a stake in an entirely different industry. They can own Apple or they can sell that and buy Ford or they can sell that and buy Monsanto. They can follow profits from one market to another. Workers only ever trade on the labor market.
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