The first chapter of Capital is so puzzling, so completely unlike anything that political economists had written before Marx – or indeed, since Marx – that it requires a number of implausible interpretive maneuvers to make sense out of. The third section of chapter 1, entitled “The Form of Value or Exchange Value,” can I think best be made sense of by comparing it structurally to the inversion of an old Jewish joke.
Mrs. Feinschmeck’s little boy Reuben developed a terrible
phobia about blintzes. Whenever Mrs. Feinschmeck brought a platter of delicious
cheese blintzes to the table, Reuben would let out a cry of terror and flee to
his room. As blintzes were the pièce de résistance of Mrs. Feinschmeck’s culinary
repertoire, this posed a serious domestic problem. Mrs. Feinschmeck pleaded and
wept. Mr. Feinschmeck threatened and also wept. But nothing could woo Reuben
from his irrational fear of blintzes. Finally, in desperation, Mrs. Feinschmeck
sought the advice and counsel of the leader of the Reformed Temple, Dr. Lewis
(son of Reb Levi, the leader of the Orthodox community). Dr. Lewis, who had
studied abnormal psychology and psychiatric counselling at Brandeis University,
opined that Reuben’s phobia grew out of nothing more than an inadequate
understanding of the nature of the blintz. If Mrs. Feinschmeck would take
Reuben into the kitchen and proceed step by step before his very eyes through
the making of blintzes, Reuben would see that there was nothing mysterious or
ominous in the component elements of the blintz. By accustoming himself slowly
to the coming-in to-being of the blintz, Reuben would lose his phobic fear.
For, as the great (albeit goyische) philosopher Immanuel Kant had observed,
“Reason has insight only into that which it produces after a plan of its own.”
Mrs. Feinschmeck dutifully gathered up the ingredients, sat
Reuben on a kitchen chair in full view of the worktable and stove, and began to
make blintzes. At each stage, she turned to Reuben to see whether he was
becoming frightened. She mixed up the filling. “Is it all right, Reuben?” “It’s
all right, Mama.” She made the batter. “Is it all right, Reuben?” “It’s all
right, Mama.” She made the first paper-thin pancake, laid it on the table, and
placed a big spoonful of filling in the middle of the pancake. “Is it all
right, Reuben?” “It’s all right, Mama.” She folded over the first corner. “I’m
all right, Mama.” She folded the second corner. “I’m all right, Mama.” She
folded the third corner. “I’m still all right, Mama.” Finally, she folded over
the last corner. “And there it is, Reuben.”
“Heeeeeellllllpppp!!!! BLINTZES!!!!!!”
The joke is, if I may put it this way, an Enlightenment
joke. Phobias are superstitions grounded in an inadequate understanding of
nature, society, or culture (the blintz being, at one and the same time, a
natural object, a social product, and a cultural icon). The appropriate way to
dispel a phobia is to offer a rational explication of the origin and structure
of its object. The humor of the joke – such as it may be – derives from the
fact that Reuben remains atavistically, irrationally afraid of blintzes, even
though it has been demonstrated to him with the clarity of a Voltaire that
there is nothing frightening, unexpected, or inexplicable in the pancake, the
filling, or the fourfold process by which the two are combined.
In chapter one of Capital, Marx inverts this joke, thereby
calling into question the underlying Enlightenment premise of the rationality
of social reality. For twenty-five pages he stirs and cooks his mystified
metaphysical categories of value until at the end, with a last turn of the
pancake, he presents us with the most commonplace, unmysterious phenomenon of
capitalist life – a list of prices. The contrast between the vexatious oddity
of the derivation and the banality of the product forces us to recognise that
our best-loved, most comforting economic concepts are through and through
crazy. For, as Marx reminds us on the very next page, a commodity is a very
queer thing, “abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties” .
The story begins (for
it is, in its way, the longest shaggy dog story in the annals of political
economy) with the opening paragraph of the third section of chapter one:
Commodities come into the world in the shape of use-values, articles, or goods,
such as iron, linen, corn, etc. This is their plain, homely, bodily form. They
are, however, commodities, only because they are something two-fold, both
objects of utility, and, at the same time, depositories of value. They manifest
themselves therefore as commodities, or have the form of commodities, only in
so far as they have two forms, a physical or natural form and a value-form.
The physical or natural form of commodities, their character
as natural objects, poses no philosophical problems, however difficult it may
be for science to give us adequate explanations of such properties as magnetism
or color. But the value of a commodity is another matter. Turn and examine a
single commodity, by itself, as we will [Marx observes], yet in so far as it
remains an object of value, it seems impossible to grasp it. Commodities have a
“value-form,” as Marx puts it, which contrasts markedly with their natural
form. We experience commodities not only as physical objects with the most
varied natural properties, but also as things having value. Commodities do not
merely have price tags attached. They present themselves to us as value
incarnate, as entities whose essence is their monetary worth. Marx proposes to
trace “the genesis of this money-form,” to “develop the expression of value
implied in the value-relation of commodities, from its simplest, almost
imperceptible outline, to the dazzling money-form.”
What exactly is the puzzle Marx seeks to solve? Where is the
mystery to be dispelled? Ricardo and the classical economists explained
money-prices as exchange ratios between a variety of commodities and a
particular commodity arbitrarily selected as numeraire. Once we understand the
notion of an exchange ratio – understand furthermore, how competition and
market exchange bring about a system of stable, regular, consistent exchange
ratios – there is nothing more to be explained. Money-prices are merely
relative prices, or exchange ratios, expressed in terms of the numeraire. The
classical account of relative price is perfectly correct as an explanation of
exchange ratios, and Marx endorses it in the course of his discussion. But it
is a grave mistake, he believes, to suppose that there is nothing more to be
said. In fact, there is everything more to be said, for the classical account
is utterly unable to explain the nature of money, unable consequently to
explain the nature and inevitability of economic crises and the instability of
capitalism.
The classical account of relative price, by portraying the
system of relative prices as a rational representation of stable exchange ratios
regulated by labor-costs of production, systematically conceals the inherent
contradictions of capitalism and serves as an ideological mask for the
craziness of bourgeois society.
Let us begin by reminding ourselves of the way in which we
actually perceive commodities, as opposed to the way in which they are spoken
of in economics textbooks. All of us, by the time we are old enough to buy
candy at the corner store or play an arcade game, have learned to experience
the price of a commodity, its cost, its value, as one of its intrinsic
properties. A Mercedes-Benz looks expensive. We don’t need to rehearse its
exchange ratios with potatoes or shoes or home computers. We simply see it as
expensive, as worth a great deal, just as we see elephants as large or feel
lead as heavy. Show me a side chair with carved legs, and I will admire it.
Tell me that it is a Goddard piece worth twenty-five thousand dollars and the
wood begins to glow. Prove to a collector of fine paintings that her Corot is a
fake and it will dwindle in her eyes, not merely in her account book.
We speak of fabrics as having a “rich” texture, of
furnishings as “reeking of money.” The value of commodities is as immediately
given to us as their colors, tastes, and shapes. Marx subjects these
commonplace beliefs and assumptions to a devastating critique. Like Socrates,
he uses our unreflective convictions, our unexamined experiences, as a foil for
his revelation of the exploitative foundations of capitalism. The starting
point for his critique – and, as we shall see, the essential conceptual
mystification – is the experience of commodities as quanta of value. Everything
in Capital depends upon that starting point. The experience of commodities as
quanta of embodied value is universal in capitalist society. Even we few who
have achieved a critical ironic distance from capitalism have the experience
countless times in every day. What is more – and this, of course, is at the
heart of Marx’s argument – we must experience commodities in this way to
function efficiently in a capitalist world. Those who are truly innocent of the
value-form of commodities walk through the world, like Prince Myshkin, as idiots.
As an intellectual tour de force, Marx undertakes to draw
the secret of money and the value form of commodities out of the most
elementary value relation imaginable. He begins with what he calls the
Elementary or Accidental Form of Value. The simplest value-relation is
evidently that of one commodity to some one other commodity of a different kind.
Hence the relation between the values of two commodities supplies us with the
simplest expression of the value of a single commodity. x commodity A = y
commodity B, or x commodity A is worth y commodity B. 20 yards of linen = 1
coat, or 20 yards of linen are worth 1 coat. The whole mystery of the form of
value lies hidden in this elementary form. Its analysis, therefore, is our real
difficulty.
The Elementary or Accidental form of value
20 yards of linen = 1
coat
With what appears to be deliberate perversity, but is
actually deep insight, Marx insists that we begin by abstracting even from the
quantitative aspect of the elementary relationship between twenty yards of
linen and one coat, concentrating simply on the assertion that some amount of
linen is equal in value to some number of coats. What exactly is involved in
the assertion that an amount of linen equals a number of coats? The classical
economists tell us that the assertion, x yards of linen = y coats, expresses a
relation between linen and coats. The relation is, in the jargon of logicians,
symmetric, for if x yards of linen = y coats, then y coats = x yards of linen.
But the classical economists are wrong, Marx insists. The assertion x yards of
linen = y coats expresses the value of the linen in coats. That is entirely
different from the statement, y coats = x yards of linen, which does not
express the value of the linen at all. As
Marx explains – if, indeed, such patent obfuscation can be labelled
“explanation” -- the value of the linen is represented as relative value, or
appears in relative form. The coat officiates as equivalent, or appears in
equivalent form.
To grasp what Marx has in mind, we may begin by reflecting
on our everyday experience of the sizes and weights of ordinary physical
objects. Suppose that my baseball has rolled into a puddle of water, and I want
to retrieve it without getting my feet wet. I need something about three feet
long, rigid, not too heavy, and preferably long and thin, to reach over the
puddle and push the ball out. My baseball bat just fills the bill, and I use it
for the purpose. Being about three feet long, being rigid, being long and thin,
and being not too heavy are all, in my immediate experience, properties of the
bat. They are not relations between the bat and something else.
Although the length of the bat (like its weight, etc.) is a
property of the bat itself, I cannot give expression to that property (or,
speaking quixotically, the bat cannot give expression to its own length) merely
by referring to the bat. How long is the bat? It is no help to say, “It is as
long as itself.” That is no doubt true, but it does not express the bat’s
length. To express the length of the bat, I must find some already existing
measure of length, and set the bat in relation to that measure. I must say, for
example, that the bat is three feet long. Perhaps I have a one-foot ruler which
I use to measure the bat. I lay the ruler down alongside the bat consecutively
and note how many lengths of the ruler can be laid off against the bat from one
end to the other. I thereby discover that the bat is three feet long. In this
case, the length of the bat (one of its own properties) can find expression
only by being set in relation to some other object which, in this context, is
officiating as standard of length.
The ruler, meanwhile, stands all by itself as length, as the
equivalent of length. It is the standard unit of length even when there is no
bat or stick handy to lay it off against. But so long as it plays this role, it
cannot itself express its own length. How long is a foot-ruler? One foot is
hardly a satisfactory answer. We can, of course, answer “one third of a yard,”
but then the yardstick has become the standard of length, and has taken up the
role of equivalent form of length. The foot-ruler is now able to express its
length in relative form by being set in relation to the yardstick as standard
of length.
The psychological shift in perception involved in
considering the length of a stick first as the relative form of length and then
as the equivalent form of length can be explored a bit more closely by
considering the way in which we experience foreign weights and measures when we
travel abroad. An American visitor to France who has never been out of the
United States before will probably begin by translating prices, weights, and
measures into their familiar American equivalents in order to find out how much
things really cost, weigh, or measure. If the Euro is currently exchanging for $1.10
then a newspaper that costs two Euros really costs $2.20. A journey of 120
kilometers is really 75 miles long. When the thermometer reads 30°C, it is really
86 degrees.
At first, if I am the traveler, I must carry out this
translation in order to grasp the properties of the objects and situations I
encounter. I don’t know whether a restaurant is cheap or expensive until I
convert its prices into dollars. So too, the two-Euro piece has a certain
worth, or value (for I experience it as an object having value, not as the
embodiment or equivalent of value). I find out what its value is, I express its
value, by ascertaining how much a two-Euro coin will cost me (that is, $2.20).
Little by little, a network of associations develops around the two Euro piece,
or the meter stick, or the kilometer signs. I begin to know immediately whether
a five-kilometer hike is a long walk or a short one, whether I ought to blanch
at spending one hundred Euros for a meal, whether a prediction of a 30°C day
means shorts and a t-shirt or a jacket and sweater.
Eventually, I may
reach a point at which I genuinely switch over to Euros and kilometers and
degrees centigrade, in which case the kilometer will take up, for me, the role
of equivalent form of length, and the degree centigrade will become the
equivalent form of temperature. In that case, when I ask how long a proposed
journey is, I will conceive the journey as having a certain length, which is a
property of that journey, and I will seek to express that length in terms of
the equivalent form of length, namely kilometers. But I will no more experience
the question about the length of the journey as an implicit question about the
relation between the journey and something else than I did the original
question about the length of a kilometer, back when the mile or the foot was,
for me, the equivalent form of length.
Thus, statements to the effect that a stick is three feet long
or that a book weighs two pounds are experienced by us as descriptions of the
properties of the stick or the book, not as assertions of relationships between
the stick and a foot-rule, or the book and a lead weight. In like manner, Marx
says, we experience statements about the value of a commodity as a quantitative
characterisation of a certain property of that commodity, namely its value.
Marx begins with the linen and the coat in order to force us
to see that what happens in that rather fatuous example is logically identical
with what happens when we say, familiarly, that the linen is worth ten
shillings. In the case of the coat and the linen, since neither of those
commodities has, in our experience, played the role of money, it seems odd and
provocative to say that the value of the linen finds expression in the body of
the coat. We are not accustomed to thinking of a length of linen as being worth
so many coats, any more than we are accustomed to thinking of a stick as being
so many centimeters long. Hence, when Marx forces us to transform the symmetric
relation between coats and linen into an expression of the value of the linen
by means of the equivalent, coats, we experience his assertions as cognitively
dissonant. But, Marx points out, say the same thing in terms of gold or silver
and it sounds quite comfortable to the ear.
Marx develops the transition from the simple relation
between linen and coats to the full-blown system of monetary exchange of
commodities with exquisite slowness and detail. First, as we have seen, he
analyses the assertion, linen = coats, only then passing on to the assertion
that 20 yards of linen = 1 coat. Finally, he is ready for the second corner of
the blintz, which he calls the “Total or Expanded form of value.” At this stage,
we have as many assertions of equality between pairs of commodities as there
are possible pairs to be compared. Corn and iron, potatoes and shirts, shoes
and bibles, tea and silver – for each pair, there is a statement expressing the
simple, particular, or accidental form of value.
The Second Corner of the Blintz
The Total or Expanded form of value: 20 yards of linen = 1
coat or = 10 lbs. tea or = 40 lbs. coffee or = 1 quarter corn or = 2 ounces
gold or = ½ ton iron or = etc. The next step is the inversion and condensation
of these pairwise comparisons so that each commodity, save one, expresses its
value in the same commodity as equivalent. In Marx’s example, coats, tea,
coffee, corn, gold, iron, and so forth, each express their value in a certain
quantity of linen. This is the third corner of the blintz .
The Third Corner of the Blintz
The General form of value
1 coat =
10 lbs of tea =
40 lbs of coffee =
quarter of corn = 20 yds of linen
2 ounces of gold =
½ ton of iron =
x com. A, etc =
At this point, for the first time, we as readers may begin to experience linen as truly the equivalent form of value – as money. Especially after a century of anthropological explorations among peoples who use seashells, cows, or glass beads as money, we may have sufficient flexibility of imagination to begin to feel linen as the equivalent form of value, in much the way that we all feel dollars or pounds or Euros as money. But Marx carries the development the final step, and by transposing the linen and the gold, arrives finally, by a turn of the last corner of the blintz, at the money-form of value.
The Last Corner of the Blintz
The Money-form
10 lbs of tea =
40 lbs of coffee =
1
quarter of corn = 2 ounces of gold
20 yds of linen =
½ ton of iron =
x com. A, etc =
To modern readers, the effect of this twenty-page-long
development is somewhat blunted by the modern-day absence of gold and silver
coins from circulation. Since we do not, today, experience gold as money, as
indisputably the equivalent form of value, “20 yards of linen = 2 ounces of
gold” may strike us as not too different from “20 yards of linen = 1 coat.” How
much is gold selling for these days? we may find ourselves wondering, in an
effort to ascertain just how much the 20 yards of linen are worth. But if Marx
had carried the development one stage further, and transformed all of these
equations into statements of the form “x yards of linen = 1 dollar,” then we
could respond to the text in precisely the manner required to grasp its
meaning.
5 comments:
The Last Corner of the Blitz... is a typo.
Whoops. Thanks.
This talk of yards of linen brought to my mind that among the Norse a certain length of a dense cloth called "vaðmál" was a medium of exchange and the value of other things was expressed in terms of it ("ells of vaðmál")(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wadmal).
Toward the end of ch. 1, Marx writes: "Political economy has indeed analyzed value and its magnitude, however incompletely, and has uncovered the content concealed within these forms. But it has never once asked the question why this content has assumed that particular form, that is to say, why labor is expressed in value, and why the measurement of labor by its duration is expressed in the magnitude of the value of the product. These formulas, which bear the unmistakable stamp of belonging to a social formation in which the process of production has mastery of man, instead of the opposite, appear to the political economists' bourgeois consciousness to be as much a self-evident and nature-imposed necessity as productive labor itself." (B. Fowkes trans., Penguin ed. (1976), pp. 173-75)
So the bourgeois economists' "formulas" (notably about labor-time determining the magnitude of value) are "incomplete" and are not a timeless "necessity" but apply only to the mode of commodity production. However, Marx basically accepts those formulas, with one or two tweaks (for lack of a better word), as valid for that mode of production. A few pages earlier he writes: "The categories of bourgeois economics.... are forms of thought which are socially valid, and therefore objective, for the relations of production belonging to this historically determined mode of social production, i.e. commodity production." (p. 169)
Not only does Marx say that the categories or formulas of bourgeois economics are "socially valid" for the mode of commodity production; he goes on to use those formulas for his own purposes in his analysis of exploitation under capitalism. In that sense I suppose one could say that Marx takes the formulas of "bourgeois economics" and turns those formulas against itself.
At the end of ch. 1 there are passages in which Marx argues that the mode of commodity production (and its accompanying "absurd" characteristics and forms) is only one historical mode of production. In medieval Europe, he argues, relations between persons were "not disguised as social relations between things" (p. 170), unlike in the mode of commodity production where are they are so disguised. That's as may be, but once the point is made that commodity production is only one "historically determined mode of social production," most of the rest of Capital v. 1, iirc, is about analyzing that mode of production. And for those purposes, the formulas of bourgeois economics, while incomplete and falsely presented by their proponents as timeless, are nonetheless "socially valid" (or in more colloquial terms, they're correct or at least have a significant kernel of correctness).
This has nothing to do with Marx, but it may be of relevance here. The Washington Post today has a lay-person’s article on research into the causes of Parkinson’s disease. The article’s title and subtitle are:
“Origins of Parkinson’s may lie in the gut. Researchers hope to prove it.
“If the hypothesis that misfolded proteins start in the gut and travel to the brain is proved, it could lead to early detection and treatment of Parkinson’s”
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